Pederastie a homosexualita

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David Thorstad

Pederastie je hlavní forma, kterou mužská homosexualita získala v západní civilizaci – a nejen na západě! Pederastie je neoddělitelná od nejvyššího okamžiku západní kultury – antického Řecka a renesance.

V Německu na konci devatenáctého století byla pederastie integrální součástí nového hnutí gayů. První gay časopis na světě – Der Eigene, vydávaný od roku 1896 – byl pederastní a anarchistický časopis „pro mužskou kulturu“...

Otázka lásky mezi muži a chlapci prolíná hnutím gayů od konce devatenáctého století spolu se vzestupem prvního hnutí za práva gayů v Německu. Ve Spojených státech hnutí gayů ustoupilo od své vize sexuálního osvobození ve prospěch integrace a asimilace do stávajících sociálních a politických struktur a současně s tím se ve zvyšující se míře uchyluje k marginalizaci, ba dokonce démonizaci mezigenerační lásky. O pederastii – což je láska mezi mužem a mladistvým ve věku 12 – 18 let – říkají homosexuálové, lesby a feministky střední třídy, že nemá nic společného s osvobozením gayů. Někteří zacházejí dokonce tak daleko, že absurdně tvrdí, že se jedná o heterosexuální fenomén, nebo dokonce „sexuální zneužívání“. Jaká travestie!

Pederastie je hlavní forma, kterou mužská homosexualita získala v západní civilizaci – a nejen na západě! Pederastie je neoddělitelná od nejvyššího okamžiku západní kultury – antického Řecka a renesance.

V Německu na konci devatenáctého století byla pederastie integrální součástí nového hnutí gayů. První gay časopis na světě – Der Eigene, vydávaný od roku 1896 (jeden rok před založením první organizace na obranu práv gayů, Vědecko-humanitárního výboru Magnuse Hirschfelda) – byl pederastní a anarchistický časopis „pro mužskou kulturu“ s individualistickým a anarchistickým pohledem založeným na idejích Maxe Stirnera (autor Der Einzige und sein Eigentum). Jeho vydavatel Adolf Brand byl vůdčí figurou hnutí gayů během prvních dekád, dokud se nedostali k moci nacisté. Časopis byl vydáván až do roku 1933. Brand zemřel během spojeneckého bombardování Berlína v roce 1945.

Další vedoucí pederast a spisovatel Benedict Friedlaender byl také vedoucím Hirschfeldova výboru až do roku 1908, kdy spáchal sebevraždu. Podobně jako dnes, ty dvě skupiny – pederasti v Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (Spolek těch, kteří vlastní sami sebe, Self-Owners) a Hirschfeldova skupina – představovali dvě křídla hnutí gayů. Ačkoli v některých záležitostech spolupracovali (například obě skupiny oponovaly statutu sodomie, paragrafu 175), rozdělovaly je ostré ideologické a vědecké rozdíly. A různými zvláštními cestami, mnohé z těchto rozdílů přetrvávají za docela odlišných okolností  až do současnosti.

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David Thorstad, spoluzakladatel organizace NAMBLA na vodní posteli s dětmi

Spolu s šířením medicínského modelu homosexuality na konci devatenáctého století se zvýšil vliv lékařů a psychiatrů v hnutí gayů. Ti nahlíželi na homosexuály jako na „třetí pohlaví“ (third sex), nebo jako na „přechodné sexuální typy“ (Zwischenstufen v němčině), „ženskou duši chycenou v mužském těle“ (nebo naopak u leseb) – pohled prosazovaný Hirschfeldem. Pederasti proti tomuto názoru aktivně bojovali. Věřili v inherentní bisexualitu lidských bytostí a tvrdili, že vliv medicíny dal hnutí gayů auru nemocnice. Mnozí cítili, že mladší a starší muži jsou přirozeně přitahováni jeden k druhému a že pederastie je pro společnost pozitivním jevem, protože pomáhá socializovat mladé muže a poskytuje jim nezbytný prostor k provozování sexu, takto redukujíce nežádoucí sociální jevy jako jsou nechtěná těhotenství a prostituce. Někteří z nich (například Hans Blüher známý díky své knize o hnutí Wandervogel) věřili, že pederastie a vznik přátelských vazeb mezi muži (male bonding) vytváří základnu pro silnější národ a stát – názor, který v perverzní podobě nalezl pokřivené vyjádření v militarismu Hitlerjugend.

Friedlaender například zesměšňoval koncept „ubohé ženské duše chřadnoucí v mužském těle a „třetího pohlaví“ a napadal koncept třetího pohlaví jako „degradující a žebrácký … prosící o soucit“. Trval na historickém přístupu, který bere v úvahu též antropologické důkazy a napsal: „Pohled do kultur zemí před a mimo křesťanství dostatečně ukazuje kompletní neudržitelnost [Zwischenstufen] teorie. Zvláště v antickém Řecku by většina vojenských vůdců, umělců a myslitelů musela být „psychickými hermafrodity“. V kritice konceptu třetího pohlaví a v rozpoznání nejednoznačnosti a potenciální bisexuality lidského živočicha měli pederasti pevnější půdu pod nohama, než větší „mainstreamové“ hnutí gayů. Argumenty třetího pohlaví byly po léta naprosto diskreditovány.

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Titulní stránka bulletinu NAMBLA (North American Man/Boy Love Association)

Asimilacionistické skupiny gayů a leseb ve Spojených státech ve zvyšující se míře, jako druh reminiscence devatenáctého století argumentují, že homosexualita je vrozená, že je předurčená geneticky. („My si nemůžeme pomoct, že jsme gayové, už jsme se tak narodili, tak nás prosím nediskriminujte“ – ozvěna argumentů devatenáctého století, která prakticky žádá o soucit a která žádným způsobem nezpochybňuje zabudovanou sociální represi stejnopohlavní lásky.) Hnutí gayů střední třídy usiluje o speciální zacházení pro speciální druh lidí, kteří adoptovali „gay“ identitu – „gaye“ – spíše než aby usilovali o osvobození potlačeného sexuálního potenciálu pro každého. Pro ně je podstatná identita, ne konání. Základní argument hnutí gayů se dnes zredukoval na následující: Homosexuálové se narodili jako homosexuálové, heterosexuálové jako heterosexuálové; proto osvobození homosexuálů nepředstavuje žádnou hrozbu pro status quo a dominanci nadřazenosti heterosexuality. To je starý argument „dědičnost versus prostředí“ (nature versus nurture) převlečený v nových, akomodacionistických šatech.

Teoretická chudoba tohoto názoru je vidět z faktu, že mnozí lidé – bez pochyb včetně některých v této místnosti mění své sexuální chování v závislosti na okolnostech nebo v průběhu svých životů. Jestli existuje genetický základ pro homosexualitu a heterosexualitu – to znamená, že naše chování je determinováno našimi geny, spíše než spoustou sociálních a kulturních proměnných, které se liší od člověka k člověku – tak to neznamená odlišné a vzájemně se vylučující kategorie, ale potenciál pro různé varianty sexuálního vyjádření, které leží v dosahu každého. (Tuto linii uvažování proti ghettu, antighetto thinking, výmluvně vyjádřil zesnulý italský gay aktivista Mario Mieli ve své knize Homosexuality and Liberation.)

Skutečný motiv za oživením argumentu „vrozenosti“ je politický a ne vědecký. Gayové asimilacionisté se chtějí stát součástí existující, nespravedlivé kapitalistické společnosti a neměnit společnost v ničem podstatném. Jejich přístup je sobecký a ne altruistický. Usilují o drobné přizpůsobení současného stavu, ne o radikální sociální změnu. Byli kooptováni heterosupremacistickou mocenskou strukturou.

Jeden zjevný protiklad v asimilacionistické pozici spočívá v tom, že pokud je homosexuální identita vrozená, jak říkají, proč potom brání svobodě sexuálního vyjádření u dětí? Asimilacionisté argumentují, že sexuální identita je fixována do věku šesti let, ale odepírají mladým lidem právo užívat si sexuální potěšení s osobami dle jejich vlastního výběru. Pro ně je klíčové slovo „ochrana“, ne „osvobození“; volají na stát, aby „chránil“ mladé lidi před vyjádřením a prozkoumáním svého vlastního sexuálního chování. Chtějí „chránit“ mladé lidi před „špinavými starými muži“ (Já shodou okolností mluvím jako „špinavý [gay] starý muž“ – něc, co beru jako pozitivní cíl), ale ve skutečnosti je chrání před sebou samými. Podporují kriminalizaci sexuality mladých lidí, zvláště když zahrnuje sex s dospělými muži. Odsuzují jakéhokoli dospělého, který pomáhá mladým lidem prozkoumat jeho nebo její sexualitu. Jsou jako rodiče – dokonce horší, protože předstírají že nabízejí vedení ke gay budoucnosti.

Ovšem že svojí roli hrají také peníze. Je to naprosto jasné v případě mnohých skandálů ve Spojených státech ohledně sexu mezi kněžími a mladistvými, ve kterých katolická církev vyplatila miliony dolarů v úsilí tyto skandály nějak dořešit. Jestliže, tak jak se to často v těchto skandálech stalo, chlapec přicházel pravidelně zpět po celá léta, aby měl sex s knězem a „oběť“ čekala dvacet až třicet let před tím, než kněze udala, je oprávněné uvažovat o tom, zda jeho motiv nebyl především finanční; a jestliže existuje pocit viny, tak vyplývá převážně ze středověkého a pokryteckého postoje církve a ne automaticky ani nezbytně ze sexuálního vztahu samotného.

Lord Frederic Leighton.jpg Lord Frederic Leighton: The Hit (1893), reprodukce obrazu byla publikovaná na stránkách NAMBLA (North American Man/Boy Love Association).

Německý trestní zákoník v devatenáctém století stanovoval legální věk způsobilosti k pohlavnímu styku na 14 let. V roce 1897 Vědecko-humanitární výbor začal sbírat podpisy pod petici za odvolání ustanovení o sodomii (kampaň, která trvala dvacet pět let a bez úspěchu). Doufali, že učiní návrh přijatelnějším pro stávající mocenské struktury tím, že výměnou za odvolání trestnosti sodomie se zvýší legální věk způsobilosti k pohlavnímu styku na 16 let! Tím začal trend, který pokračuje v hnutí gayů dodnes, posunout ohnisko od konsensuální povahy sexuálního aktu k většímu vlivu dospělých na úkor ostatních – milovníků chlapců a mladých lidí, o jejichž vztazích ví (nebo by měli vědět), že jsou neméně konsensuální.

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Na počátku dvacátého století pederasti reagovali na dusivou, sex potlačující atmosféru předválečného Německa oslavou nahoty a krásy lidského těla. Glorifikace mužského těla po vzoru starověkého Řecka umožnila zobrazovat a diskutovat univerzální aspekty lidské sexuality navzdory rozšířené nevědomosti, narůstající medikalizaci homosexuality a represivnímu zákonodárství. Spolu s glorifikací mužského těla však šla i tendence u části pederastů očerňovat jiné formy sexuálního vyjádření – zvláště mezi dvěma dospělými jedinci „třetího pohlaví“ – a dokonce misogynie. Friedlaender například šel tak daleko, že odmítl marxismus a sociální demokrtacii na základě, že jejich podpora ženského volebního práva ukázala, jak se podrobili tlaku žen!

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Mackay považoval za největší chyby německého hnutí gayů následující: 1) pokus prezentovat tuto lásku jako „vznešenější a lepší“, když ve skutečnosti je to „láska jako každá jiná, ani lepší ani horší“, a stejně schopná přinést štěstí, jestliže je to pravá láska; 2) pokus „propagovat svobodu mužů milovat na úkor žen“; a 3) poslední chyba, která byla podle mého názoru „katastrofálnější, než všechny ostatní“: „Tato láska perzekuovaná soudci a zatracovaná kněžími, uprchla k lékařům, jako kdyby to byla nemoc, která by jimi byla léčitelná.“

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Jednou z vůdčích osobností hnutí Wandervogel byl Hans Blüher, který se stal jeho členem v roce 1902 ve věku 14 let. Byl misogynem, který věřil ve vrozenou podřadnost žen – přesto také v to, že bisexualita je přirozeným stavem lidské osobnosti. Homosexuální a bisexuální muži podle jeho názoru představují nejlepší učitele pro mladé – názor důrazně vyjádřený také Friedlaenderem: „Jenom ten kdo je dobrým pederastem může být dobrým pedagogem.“

 

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David_Thorstad, je historik, bývalý prezident Gay Activists Alliance a zakládající člen North American Man/Boy Love Association NAMBLA, což znamená Severoamerické sdružení pro lásku mezi muži a chlapci. Vybral jsem jeho článek, protože je téměř od samotných počátků aktivním členem amerického hnutí za práva gayů a zastával v něm celou řadu vysokých funkcí. Navíc je sám pederastem a za jejich práva se horlivě bije. Proto je člověkem mimořádně povolaným k rozkrytí souvislosti mezi pederastií a homosexualitou. Svojí precizní argumentací doslova drtí nesmysly, které se děti musí učit ve školách a kterými je celá populace západního světa zaplavována prostřednictvím masmédií.

Srozumitelně dokumentuje, že pederastie neboli sexuální zneužívání dětí a dospívajících s homosexualitou nejen souvisí, ale dokonce představuje hlavní formu mužské homosexuality. Navíc vysvětluje, že vedle homosexuality, u které hraje významný vliv dědičnost a období nitroděložního života, existuje i homosexualita, která vzniká vlivem kulturních zvyklostí. Podobně jako se děti pastevců naučí sexu s ovcemi nebo kozami, tak se mladí chlapci mohou naučit sexu s muži. Jak jinak by asi k rozšíření homosexuality v antickém Řecku nebo v německých mládežnických organizacích za Výmarské republiky došlo? Thorstad lituje, že se většinové hnutí homosexuálů zřeklo pederastů a hodilo je přes palubu. To je z jejich strany jen dočasný, taktický ústupek, protože zatím převládl ochranitelský instinkt rodičů nad chtíčem pederastů a tak se vůdci hnutí homosexuálů rozhodli počkat. Pederastie jako touha po mladých chlapcích však nevymizela, což jsem již na této stránce homosexualita.eu dokumentoval v celé řadě článků, že ani nebudu unavovat jejich výčtem. 

Článek jsem přeložil jen z části, protože nemám dost času. Pokud by se někomu z čtenářů chtělo doplnit zbytek, tak by tím vykonal záslužný čin na poli vzdělávání české veřejnosti. Místa, kde je text přerušen jsou označena tečkami. Také jsem doplnil obrázky s popisy a zvýraznění v testu. Pod českým překladem jsem umístil anglický text, aby si mohli čtenáři rovnou dočíst zbytek, zkritizovat chyby v mém rychlopřekladu a také pro případ, že by nepohodlný text z internetu zmizel, což se mi již stalo.

Pavel Čermák

 

 

http://nambla.org/pederasty.html

Pederasty and Homosexuality

by David Thorstad

Speech to the Semana Cultural Lesbica-Gay, Mexico City, June 26, 1998. More than 600 people showed up for the talk: standing room only, and many had to be turned away.
[This is an English translation of the speech, which was given in Spanish.]

 

"Our movement today stresses the liberation and empowerment of young people. Instead of pedagogy, democracy. Rather than a Greek love mentor-relationship, the companionship of independent and autonomous individuals. In place of male supremacy, a vision of sexual, economic, and political liberation for all. Freedom is indivisible. The liberation of children, women, boy-lovers, and homosexuals in general, can occur only as complementary facets of the same dream."

 


The issue of love between men and boys has intersected the gay movement since the late nineteenth century, with the rise of the first gay rights movement in Germany. In the United States, as the gay movement has retreated from its vision of sexual liberation, in favor of integration and assimilation into existing social and political structures, it has increasingly sought to marginalize even demonize cross-generational love. Pederasty - that is, love between a man and a youth of 12 to 18 years of age - say middle-class homosexuals, lesbians, and feminists, has nothing to do with gay liberation. Some go so far as to claim, absurdly, that it is a heterosexual phenomenon, or even "sexual abuse." What a travesty!

Pederasty is the main form that male homosexuality has acquired throughout Western civilization - and not only in the West! Pederasty is inseparable from the high points of Western culture - ancient Greece and the Renaissance.

In Germany, in the late nineteenth century, pederasty was an integral part of the new gay movement. The first gay journal in the world - Der Eigene, published beginning in 1896 (one year before the formation of the first homosexual rights group, the Scientific Humanitarian Committee of Magnus Hirschfeld) - was a pederast and anarchist journal "for male culture" with an individualist anarchist outlook based on the ideas of Max Stirner (author of Der Einzige und sein Eigentum). Its publisher, Adolf Brand, was a leading figure of the gay movement throughout the first decades, until the Nazis came to power. The journal continued to appear until 1933. Brand died in an Allied bombing of Berlin in 1945.

Another leading pederast and writer, Benedict Friedlaender, was also a leader of Hirschfeld's committee, until 1908 when he committed suicide. Not unlike today, the two groups - the pederasts in the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen (the Community of Self- Owners) and the Hirschfeld group - constituted two wings of the gay movement. Although they collaborated in some things (for example, both opposed the sodomy statute, Paragraph 175), sharp ideological and scientific differences separated them. In uncanny ways, many of these differences persist in the quite different circumstances of today.

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With the spread of the medical model of homosexuality in the late nineteenth century came an increasing influence of doctors and psychiatrists in the gay movement. These viewed homosexuals as a "third sex," or as "intermediate sexual types" (Zwischenstufen in German), a "male soul trapped in a female body" (or vice versa for lesbians) - a view advanced by Hirschfeld. The pederasts actively combated this view. They believed in an inherent bisexuality of human beings and argued that the influence of the medical profession gave the gay movement the aura of a hospital. Most felt that younger and older males were naturally attracted to each other and that pederasty was a positive good for society because it helped to socialize young males and provided them with a necessary sexual outlet, thereby reducing undesirable social phenomena such as unwanted pregnancies and prostitution. A few (Hans Blüher, for example, famous for his book on the Wandervogel movement) believed that pederasty and male bonding provided a basis for a stronger nation and state - a view that, in a perverted form, found a distorted expression in the militarism of the Hitler Youth.

Friedlaender, for example, ridiculed the concept of "a poor womanly soul languishing away in a man's body, and of the `third sex,'" and attacked the third sex concept as "degrading and a beggarly...pleading for sympathy." He insisted on a historical approach that also took into account anthropological evidence, and wrote: "A glance at the cultures of countries before and outside of Christianity suffices to show the complete untenability of the [Zwischenstufen] theory. Especially in ancient Greece, most of the military leaders, artists, and thinkers would have had to be 'psychic hermaphrodites.'" 1

In their critique of the third-sex concept and their recognition of the ambiguities and potential bisexuality of the human animal, the pederasts had their feet more securely on the ground than did the larger "mainstream" gay movement. The third-sex argument has been thoroughly discredited for years.

Increasingly, the assimilationist gay and lesbian groups in the United States, in a kind of throwback to the nineteenth century, argue that homosexuality is inborn, that it is genetically determined ("we can't help it that we're gay, we were born that way, so please don't discriminate against us" - an echo of the nineteenth-century argument that practically solicits pity and that in no way challenges the built-in social repression of same-sex love). The middle-class gay movement today seeks special treatment for a special kind of person who has adopted a "gay" identity - "gay people" - rather than seeking to liberate the repressed sexual potential of everyone. For them, what matters is identity, not practice. The basic argument of the gay movement today boils down to the following: Homosexuals are born that way, and heterosexuals are born that way; therefore, homosexual liberation poses no threat to the status quo and dominance of hetersupremacy. This is the old "nature versus nurture" argument dressed up in new, accommodationist clothes.

The theoretical poverty of this view can be seen in the fact that many people - including, no doubt, some in this room change their sexual behavior depending on the circumstances or over the course of their lives. If there is a genetic basis for homosexuality and heterosexuality - that is, our behavior is determined by our genes, rather than myriad social and cultural variables that differ from person to person - it is not as distinct and mutually exclusive categories, but as potentials for varieties of sexual expression that lie within everyone's reach. (This line of antighetto thinking has been eloquently expressed by the late Italian gay activist Mario Mieli in his book, Homosexuality and Liberation.)

The real motivation behind this revival of the "inborn" argument is political, not scientific. The gay assimilationists want to become part of an existing, inequitable capitalist society, not change that society in any fundamental way. Their approach is inherently selfish, not altruistic. They seek minor adjustments in the status quo, not radical social change. They have been co-opted by the heterosupremacist power structure.

One obvious contradiction in the assimilationist position is that if homosexual identity is inborn, as they say, then why do they oppose freedom of sexual expression for minors? Assimilationists argue that sexual identity is fixed by age six, but they deny young people the right to enjoy sexual pleasure with the person of their own choice. For them, "protection" is the key word, not "liberation"; they call on the state to "protect" young people from expressing and exploring their own sexual behavior. They want to "protect" young people from "dirty old men" (I, incidentally, am speaking as a "dirty [gay] old man" - something I take as a positive goal), but in reality are protecting them from themselves. They support criminalization of young people's sexuality, especially if it involves sex with an adult man. They condemn any adult who helps a young person to explore his or her sexuality. They are like parents - only worse, because they pretend to offer a guide to the gay future.

Of course, money plays a role in this too. This is very clear, for example, in the many scandals in the United States over sex between priests and youths, in which the Catholic church has paid out millions of dollars in an effort to resolve them. If, as has happened frequently in these scandals, (1) the boy came back regularly over a period of years in order to have sex with the priest, and (2) the "victim" waited twenty to thirty years before denouncing the priest, one is entitled to wonder whether his motive was not financial above all; and if there is a sense of guilt, it results mainly from the medieval and hypocritical attitude of the church, and not automatically, nor necessarily, from the sexual relationship itself.

There are also a growing number of gay child protection agencies (I call them "boy dick protection societies"), youth support organizations, groups that work with abused children and runaways (victims of family violence) who are receiving money from the state. But that money is available only if these agencies parrot the official antisexual (or antihomosexual) line of the state funders.

In my state of Minnesota, for example, these gay agencies do not fight to remove the sodomy statute. Minnesota is considered to be one of the most liberal states in the United States (and has had openly gay and lesbian legislators for more than a decade), but the gay assimilationists barely acknowledge that the state still has a sodomy statute when more than half of the others have eliminated theirs, and this more than two hundred years after the French Revolution repealed the French law. They are lapdogs of the ruling-class parties who prefer cocktail parties with the oppressor as a way of protesting against oppression. They also refuse to call for a lowering or a repeal of the age-of-consent laws (in Minnesota, the age of consent for heterosexual sex, of course, because homosexual sex is still not legal at any age - is, as it is in Mexico, 18). The state also has no "emancipation of minors" law, something that is desperately needed to empower minors who cannot live with abusive families; but the gay youth protection agencies maintain a deafening silence about the need for such a law. They do not wish to confront the antisexual policies of the state, because the state is paying their salaries, and they have become like pigs at the trough. As the great black leader Malcolm X once said: "When they lay those dollars on you, your soul goes."

---

The German penal code in the nineteenth century set the age of consent at 14. In 1897, the Scientific Humanitarian Committee began circulating a petition calling for repeal of the sodomy statute (a campaign that lasted twenty-five years, without success). It hoped to make its proposal more palatable to the authorities by proposing that, in exchange for repeal of the statute, the age of consent be raised to 16! It thereby began a trend, which has continued in the gay movement to this day, to shift the focus away from the consensual nature of sexual acts toward achieving greater sexual elbow room for adults at the direct expense of others - boy-lovers and young people, whose relationships they know (or ought to know) are no less consensual.

The writer John Henry Mackay expressed indignation at the efforts of Hirschfeld's committee to trade off an increase in the age of consent for repeal of Paragraph 175. In his 1907 pamphlet Gehör! Nur einen Augenblick! (Listen Only a Moment!), he noted that "No law can protect youth from seduction. Only enlightenment can do that." Instead of the law, we should trust the unwritten "law of love." He denounced "professional seducers of youth" who would seduce a boy "before he has reached the time of maturity," but noted that everyone is different and therefore age cannot be the criterion: "This is where the borderline lies, and not in an artificial stipulation of age. One person is mature, yet still looks like a child; the next person is still a child, although we take him to be mature on account of his age."2 Summarizing his struggle in 1912, he concluded: "it is our task, those of us who love young people, to win them for ourselves - not through persuasion and seduction, but through love and friendship."3

In 1924, Mackay voiced bitterness at the efforts of Hirschfeld and others to accommodate themselves to prejudices against man/boy love:

For it has been shown again in these years that this love has to look for its worst enemies among those who call themselves "leaders" in this fight and have made themselves responsible, in one of their ridiculous and degrading petitions to those currently in power, who have publicly advocated an "age of consent" - not for children, but for mature boys and youths - and thereby the prosecution and punishment of those whom they know, as no others do, to be just as innocent as themselves, and once again those who love an older age have sought to save themselves at the cost of the comrades-in-fate of their time - a betrayal of the cause more disgraceful in intention and more dreadful in its result cannot be imagined.4

A more recent example of this tendency to seek improvements for some at the expense of others was the decision of the state of Wisconsin in May 1983 to decriminalize consensual homosexual sex between adults. Tacked onto the measure was an amendment that increased from a misdemeanor to a felony sex between and adult and a teenager of 16 or 17 years of age! This attack on the sexual rights of young people sailed through the legislature without any outcry from the lesbian and gay movement.

---

In the early part of the twentieth century, pederasts reacted to the stifling and sex-repressive atmosphere of pre- World War I Germany by celebrating nudity and the beauty of the body. Glorification of the male body ... la ancient Greece made it possible to depict and discuss a universal aspect of human sexuality in the face of widespread ignorance, the increasing medicalization of homosexuality, and repressive legislation. Together with this glorification of the male body, however, went a tendency on the part of some pederasts to denigrate other forms of sexual expression - particularly between two adult members of the "third sex" - and even misogyny. Friedlaender, for example, went so far as to reject Marxism and Social Democracy on the grounds that their support for the right of women to vote demonstrated that they had caved in to pressure from women!

Such views were strongly criticized by other pederasts. One of them, Edwin Bab, wrote several articles at the beginning of this century that remain strikingly contemporary in their analysis. For him, the goal of the boy-love movement was "a fundamental reform of our morals," and this could not be accomplished in isolation from the women's movement, let alone in opposition to it. He accused Friedlaender of having developed "the most reactionary viewpoints," and warned boy-lovers against allowing their "cult of the love of friends to drag along with it a contempt for women similar to the position of the woman in ancient Greece." Both the boy-love movement and the women's movement, he argued, "unquestionably must work hand in hand." If both movements could join forces, he hoped, "in the not too distant future, a truly human culture would bloom."5 Adolf Brand, Mackay, and Elisar von Kupffer all opposed Friedlaender's misogynist views. Unfortunately, however, in view of the antisexual trends within the women's movement over the past twenty years, Bab's views were overly optimistic.

Mackay saw as the greatest mistakes of the German gay movement the following: (1) an attempt to present this love as "nobler and better," when in reality it is "a love like any other, neither better nor worse," and equally able to bring happiness if it is a true love; (2) an attempt "to promote the freedom of men to love, at the expense of women"; and (3) a final error, which was "more disastrous, in my view, than all the others": "This love, persecuted by judges and damned by priests, has fled to the medical doctors, as if it were a sickness that could be cured by them."6

Parallel to, and overlapping with, the early pederast movement in Germany were the Wandervogel and youth movements. The first Wandervogel group was founded in 1896, the year the first issue of Der Eigene appeared. By 1913, there were approximately 800 different Wandervogel groups, with more than 25,000 members. The Wandervogel (which literally means "migratory bird") was initially all-male, and organized youth into outdoor activities such as hiking and camping. It represented a reaction to the constraints of bourgeois society. The movement continued off and on until it was largely subsumed by the Hitler Youth.

It was not a gay movement, and its ideology was "lead and be led." The Wandervogel institutionalized homoerotic sentiment - though not necessarily sex between leaders and followers. This outlook contained an inherent ambiguity: it institutionalized something like the Greek mentor-relationship on the one hand, but on the other contained an implicit militaristic potential. Today, most of us would find the combination of homoeroticism and leadership outlook less appealing than the free development of all forms of tenderness and true democracy.7

One of the leading figures in the Wandervogel movement was Hans Blüher, who joined in 1902 at the age of 14. He was a misogynist who believed in the innate inferiority of women - yet also that bisexuality was the natural human condition. Homosexual and bisexual men, in his view, make the best teachers of the young - a view strikingly expressed by Friedlaender too: "Only he who is a good pederast can be a perfect pedagogue."

Blüher professed disgust with Hirschfeld and his circle, and said that the campaign to repeal Paragraph 175 "was of no interest whatsoever to me." Homosexuality, he said, should be accepted, not tolerated. Everyone has a gay component, so knowledge about homosexuality benefits everyone. Homosexuality is more social than heterosexuality, which leads to isolated coupling, whereas homoeroticism naturally gives rise to larger social units, such as nation-states.

Such views contain some insight, but also have their problems, and are not of much relevance to today. Where the Wandervogel movement looked to leadership and guidance of the young (still preferable to the "protection" approach of today's gay assimilationists), the pederast movement today stresses the liberation and empowerment of young people. Instead of pedagogy, democracy. Rather than a Greek love mentor-relationship, the companionship of independent and autonomous individuals. In place of male supremacy, a vision of sexual, economic, and political liberation for all. Freedom is indivisible. The liberation of children, women, boy-lovers, and homosexuals in general, can occur only as complementary facets of the same dream.

Having touched on a few of the historical and ideological aspects of our topic, I would like to conclude on a more personal note.

As middle-class gays become increasingly part of the mainstream, and turn their backs on the ideas that gave rise to and inspired their movement - and even on comrades who fought the heterosexual dictatorship before they themselves had come out - and as the ruling class steps up its efforts to control, police, and instill fear in the population, and as it passes laws criminalizing more and more things, and builds prisons at a breakneck pace to hold the millions it has criminalized (huge numbers of whom are imprisoned for consensual and harmless activity, such as possession of marijuana), life and survival for men and boys who love each other is becoming extremely dangerous. To be an active pederast in the United States today is like being a Jew in Nazi Germany. The United States is becoming - perhaps already has become - a police state. The backlash against the increased visibility of homosexuality since the Stonewall Riots in 1969 is striking pederasts most severely. Thousands are currently in jail in the United States for purely consensual relationships, and the gay movement will not lift a finger or a voice in protest. All the liberation movements of the 1960s blacks, women, homosexuals, the left - have either moved to the right or, in the case of the left, virtually disappeared. The women's movement and the gay movement have fallen in love with the state and seem no longer able to differentiate between their friends and their enemies. In fact, these days, the gay movement in the United States functions more as an adjunct of the police than as a movement for liberation. Nowadays, I sometimes feel as if I need to be liberated from assimilationist gay men and lesbians as much as I do from heterosupremacy, capitalism, and police repression.

It is difficult to identify with a movement whose primary goals are to win official approval for gay marriage, gay families, and acceptance in the imperialist military. Homosexuals in the United States seem intent on demonstrating that they can be as conventional as heterosexuals. These days, I have to struggle with myself not to be antigay.

In April of this year, Edward Brongersma, a distinguished Dutch political leader and writer, as well as a pederast, died. He was well known for having once spent time in jail for his sexuality, yet eventually rose to a seat in the Dutch Senate. In that capacity, he proposed a bill to lower the age of consent to 16, and the bill was adopted with widespread support, including from the church. Yet, the antisex hysteria that originated in the United States in the late 1970s has reached Holland as well as other countries in Europe. Brongersma was forced to flee his home temporarily by hostile mobs after the wave of hysteria caused by the Dutroux affair in neighboring Belgium reached the Netherlands. Brongersma saw everything he had worked for wiped out in eighteen months. He died a broken man. He was cremated in private within 48 hours of his death, and no obituaries or even death announcements were issued for fear of hostile public reactions.

In Minnesota, a highly respected and prominent gay man who has worked with youth for years in state-funded agencies was recently forced to leave his position when parents discovered that he had an 18-year-old boyfriend (hence, not even a minor). The gay movement has maintained a deafening silence about this.

In my own case, my boyfriend is now 18, but when he was 16 I could not approach any gay or state agencies for assistance with schooling or anything else for fear that moralists and television reporters would turn our life into a living hell. The law stipulates that any person who works in counseling, psychiatry, psychology, social work, teaching, and so on, who merely suspects that an illegal sexual relationship may be going on, must report it to the authorities. Investigation, harassment, hysterical and inaccurate publicity, arrest, and imprisonment are the likely result. Ten or twenty years ago, the gay movement would have been a source of support for such relationships. Today, it is virtually indistinguishable from the heterosexist dictatorship itself.

Pederasty, like homosexuality, has existed, and exists, in all societies that have ever been studied. Homoeroticism is a ubiquitous feature of human experience, as even efforts to repress it confirm. Men and youths have always been attracted to each other, and, like homosexuality in general, their love is irrepressible. Even if it is far from triumphing, or flowering with the freedom it merits and has enjoyed in some other cultures (for example, Siwa oasis in Egypt), still, it can never be repressed. It will continue to find its way to expression despite all the efforts to suppress and demonize it. As John Henry Mackay wrote in 1924 in The Books of the Nameless Love:

They murder our love and yet it lives.

They throttle our cry and it echoes back from the future.

 

 

Footnotes

1Quoted in John Lauritsen and David Thorstad, The Early Homosexual Rights Movement (1864-1935), rev. ed. (Ojai, CA, Times Change Press, 1995), p. 54.

2Die Buecher der namenlosen Liebe, vol. 1 (Berlin: Verlag rosa Winkel, 1979), pp. 463-64.

3Ibid., p. 66.

4Mackay, Preface to the second edition of his Buecher. Quoted in Hubert Kennedy, Anarchist of Love: The Secret Life of John Henry Mackay (New York, Mackay Society, 1983), p. 10 (Kennedy's translation).

5Frauenbewegung und Freundesliebe: Versuch einer Lösung des geschlectlichen Problems (Women's Movement and the Love of Friends; Attempt at a Solution to the Sexual Problem) (Berlin-Charlottenburg: Adolf Brand/Der Eigene, 1904), pp. 22-23.

6Buecher, pp. 62-63.

7For a more in-depth analysis of the Wandervogel movement, see Friedrich Kröhnke, "'Wandervogel' und Homosexuellenbewegung" in Der Eigene: Ein Blatt für männliche Kultur, ed. Joachim S. Hohmann (Frankfurt am Main/Berlin: Foerster Verlag, 1981), pp. 345-73.

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Руководству предприятия или его техническим специалистам нередко приходится выбирать между приобретением новых электродвигателей, взамен вышедшим из строя либо отдавать старые на перемотку. Давайте рассмотрим этот вопрос с точки зрения экономической выгоды, как раз этой мнимой выгодой и руководствуется потребитель, когда выбирает перемотку статора электродвигателя. В этой статье мы разобьем эту иллюзию.



Те, кто перематывает двигатели, рекламируют такие преимущества услуг:

Экономическая выгода
Выгода в экономии времени
Сохранение гарантии на электродвигатель и его эксплуатационных качеств


Перемотка двигателя стоит 40-60% от стоимости нового электромотора. Однако у перемотанного агрегата с каждым ремонтом срок службы становится значительно меньше. Это связано со следующими факторами: перед тем, как извлечь проводник из пазов статора удаляют заводской лак, изолирующий обмотку. Делается это либо при воздействии температуры в 300°С на статор, либо путем применения химикатов. При этом производитель ремонта прибегает к использованию особо едких химикатов либо излишне нагревает статор электродвигателя. При применении этих технологий нарушается изоляционный слой листов статора, увеличиваются потери в стали и снижается КПД электродвигателя.



Более того «новая» обмотка это не обмотка, которая серийно применяется на заводе в производстве, она существенно хуже по эксплуатационным качествам. Обмотка двигателя должна соответствовать определенным характеристикам. При применении обмоток с характеристиками, отличными от заводских, характеристики электродвигателя так же становятся хуже. Увеличивается нагрев и снижается ресурс изоляции, укладка изоляции так же производится без соблюдения необходимых норм. После перемотки характеристики снижаются, вот показатели: КПД на 0,5-1%, ресурс на 15-20%, энергоэффективность двигателя на 7%. Замена обмотки снижает ресурс двигателя на 40%. Так же повышаются затраты потребителя на эксплуатацию оборудования. Перемотка электродвигателя это однозначно не лучшее решение, направленное на уменьшение затрат предприятия. Купить новый электродвигатель будет гораздо эффективнее http://www.uesk.org/katalog/elektrodvigateli/elektrodvigateli-s-tormozom/gost/air71v8e/ Рассмотрим экономию времени. Рынок электродвигателей в России перенасыщен предложением и в каждом городе есть поставщик, у которого нужный электромотор будет в наличии. Даже если Вы не найдете электродвигатель в наличии в своем городе, его можно привезти в короткое время, воспользовавшись услугами компании перевозчика, либо привезти собственным транспортом.

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1480)  Tommysek (19.06.2019 21:57)

Режимы работы асинхронного электродвигателя
При выборе электродвигателя нужно учитывать довольно много параметров, таких как: номинальная мощность, число оборотов в минуту, способ монтажного крепления, габаритные размеры, климатическое исполнение, степень защиты и так далее.
Немаловажным параметром при выборе эл двигателя является номинальный режим работы электродвигателя. В этой статье мы рассмотрим режимы работы электродвигателей и объясним, почему так важно учитывать этот фактор.

Режимы работы электродвигателей

• S1 – Продолжительный

В режиме работы электродвигателя S1 агрегат продолжительное время работает от сети напряжения с неизменной нагрузкой. Постепенно разогревается до рабочей температуры, а параметры работы остаются неизменными. Большинство общепромышленных электродвигателей имеют именно такой режим работы. Характеризуется определенной относительной продолжительностью включений ПВ -100%.

• S2 – Кратковременный

При включении в сеть агрегат достигает постоянной нагрузки в течение десяти, тридцати, 60 или 90 минут. Времени недостаточно для достижения максимального нагрева, а когда не работает, электромотор остывает до внешних температур. Применяется в устройствах подающих рабочие вещества, например нефть, газ или воду. Применяется, к примеру, в запорных устройствах.

• S3 – Повторно-кратковременный

Электродвигатель так же не достигает максимального нагрева, но в отличие от S2 при остановке не остывает до внешней температуры. Применяется для привода в башенных кранах, в оборудовании для работы лифтов и эскалаторов. Агрегаты работают при ПВ 15, 25, 40, 60%. http://www.uesk.org/katalog/elektrodvigateli/trehfaznye-380v/elektrodvigateli-air/355l8/ • S4 – режим S3 с частыми пусками

Продолжительность работы и число пусков примерно одинаковы, включений в час: 30, 60, 120 и 240. Режим циклический, пуск-работа-остановка и так далее по кругу.

• S5 – Режим повторно –кратковременный с добавлением электрического торможения

В конце каждого цикла агрегат принудительно останавливается.

• S6 – Периодический режим (нагрузка на электродвигатель кратковременная)

Повторяющиеся циклы работы, однако, агрегат не успевает нагреться до постоянной температуры, но и не успевает остыть. Чередование холостого хода с нагрузкой на агрегат.

• S7 – Периодический (нагрузка кратковременна и торможение в конце)

Аналогично S6, но добавлено торможение электродвигателя в конце каждого цикла.

• S8 – Периодический режим (нагрузка кратковременна и изменяется с изменениями скорости вращения механизма)

Происходят взаимосвязанные циклические изменения нагрузки электродвигателя и скорости вращения его вала.

• S9 – Особый (периодические изменения нагрузки агрегата и частоты вращения)

Изменения происходят произвольным образом. Допускается работа с перегрузкой.


Как Вы видите, каждый режим работы предназначен для достижения определенных целей. Использовать электродвигатель с режимом несоответствующим условиям эксплуатации крайне не рекомендуется. Агрегат проработает непродолжительное время или вообще прекратит свою работу сразу после первого цикла включения. Конструктивная особенность эл двигателя каждого режима работы индивидуальна.

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